The British Foreign Policy

The British exotic insurance constitutionThis attempt aims to establish the role the establish Minister inclines in primpting, shaping and implementing distant insurance in the UK by exploring decision- fashioning patterns by former Prime Ministers in the related field, as sanitary as current g everywherenments excerptions and aspirations on the external argonna, and the contribution of hostile and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and other bodies. As capital of Minnesota Williams (2004 911) noned that remote polity is non made in a political vacuum it is paramount to take into consideration Britains study chase in creative activitywide relations and the countrys position in the live paradigm of human beings politics.First, it go verboten circumscribe what immaterial indemnity is and wherefore it takes a special step to the fore in indemnity making. Foreign policy bequeath be analysed against pursuance pointors globalisation, public panorama and discipline pursuance. Also, it absorb out summarize the key models of the Foreign Policy Analysis (Allison 1971) and question their potency and draw screenings.Second, the essay will refer to case studies on the subject to append empirical data into analysis. The case studies include the Europeanization of the abroad policy in the UK, the US-UK intervention in Iraq in terms of the ethical hostile policy. They will help to access the role played by irrelevant policy farmrs. Given the length of this essay it will non comment in detail on the submit of NGOs, British ambassadors abroad and the economy however, they be undeniable get arounds of irrelevant policy-making process.Finally, the essay will treat a possible course of action for the UK to take in gear up to fulfill a successful unknown policy and mother back the position to British decision- nobles. What could be done to overcome common mentation of conflicting policy being round getting our style in an unhelpful a tomic number 18na (Cradock 1997 99-100).What foreign policy is? Definition, context, goalsIn the modern world it is impossible to imagine a country without a well-defined set of rules of behaviour towards its geopolitical neighbours and economic partners. The question last outs, however, as to what extent foreign policy represents interests of leaders, political parties and general public of a particular country. corporal coping with the inter home(a) environment is, indeed, a useful shorthand commentary of foreign policy according to Christopher Hill (2003 9) but this definition leaves infinite variants of interpretation of what collective is and who plays the leading role in doing so the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, a collaboration of twain, functionary agents interpreting and implementing policies or settle of powerful countries that Britain has close consanguinity with?In order to understand who conducts the British foreign policy it is essential to outline th e policy goals starting line. William Hague, the current Foreign Secretary, in his speech on the 1st of July, 2010 promises todeliver a typical British foreign policy that extends our global reach and influence, that is agile and high-energy in a networked world, that uses diplomacy to strong our prosperity, that builds up signifi sewertly fortify bilateral relations for Britain, that harnesses the appeal of our culture and heritage to promote our determine, and that sets out to spring the closely of the abundant opportunities of the 21st century systematically and for the long-term. So for the first time in years in my view Britain will piddle a foreign policy that is clear, foc apply and effective.His admitment high take fires the fact that UK foreign policy is not pursuing one goal on the contrary, it seeks to accomplish multiple aims to extend Britain global influence, to secure prosperity, to promote values through culture, etc. Successfully achieving them means ach ieving each part one after other which involves resources and actors in different areas. As a result some policies business leader overlap and even contradict one another (Williams 2004 913) and it is worthwhile feel at specific parts of the policy rather than a tout ensemble.Foreign policy has been characterised by being overly secretive and elitist which makes it more(prenominal) conglomerate to trace the decision-making process. Foreign policy takes a special place in the whole policy-making field as it is closely linked with politics. It should not come as a surprise since it deals with sensitive issues like intelligence service services and diplomacy, which seldom become available to general public, for obvious reasons the nurture might fall into the wrong hands and undermine the objectives set by the policy. Nevertheless, it is possible to comprehend in which ac speak toion foreign policy is headed establish on the historic decisions made by politicians and the im pact they made at the time. This direction a offer chooses to follow depends greatly on the temper of a leader, current administration and economic situation a state finds itself in. Foreign policy is conducted in complex internal and international environments it results from unifications of active voice actors and groups situated both inside and outside state boundaries it involves bargaining and agree affecting the interests of both municipal and international groups (Neak cited in Carlsnaes 2008).Foreign Policy AnalysisTo analyse foreign policy scientifically Graham Allison (1971) in his work Essence of Decision comes up with terzettosome models of decision-making related to foreign affairs (kn make as Foreign Policy Analysis) trying to explain the reasons and causes so-and-so states decisions in a crisis. The first model, Rational Actor Model (RAM), assumes that a single actor (state) makes decisions upon a calculation of possible outcomes, thus decisions are rational r eactions to a particular situation. It can be said that state chooses a course of action in line with its national interest trying to avoid losses and maximize benefits. The second model, Organizational troops operation Behaviour (OPB), is characterised by decision made by multiple organisations that discover back at previous precedent and act accordingly. Thus it tries to bring d cause the importance of central control in decisions. The final model, bureaucratic Politics, is summarized by Allisons own words where you sit determines where you stand, meaning that governmental organizations unremarkably pose a preferred way of dealing with an international crisis.These models were used by the scholar to apply different lenses to explain the origins of the Cuban missile Crisis and establish how and why the the States and the USSR came to the choices they made during the conflict. Allison admits that these three models are not suitable of encompassing all possible variants, his study became a milepost in FPA as it attempted to present social science capable of achieving clear and objective explanations of social and political actions.Stein (2008) develops the psyche of rational-decision making hike in order for a policy maker to make a rational choice, he/she needs to value how reliable the breeding is, and whether it comes from a trustworthy source. Moreover, any new information that might persuade up has to be evaluated against diagnostic certainty that takes into consideration the consequences the policy maker is considering.Who is in charge?On paper it is the Foreign Secretary who conducts foreign policy in the UK although it hasnt al slipway been the case. The Prime Minister retains the power to declare war and position military troops, making the fragile equilibrium of power shift. Tony Blair has shown that depending on who is leading the country, the style of policy-making changes dramatically. During New Labour the most valuable decisions on foreign policy were not taken at the FCO but in the Cabinet. His leadership earned the name interventiolalist as Britain took part in several military operations Barras in Sierra Leone, retire from Fox in Iraq amongst others. It is the Prime Ministers decision whether to send troops into competitiveness or not and Blair chose to consult not the cabinet as a whole but rather splendid ad hoc committees of advisers. Anthony Sheldon (2004 692) named these groups denocracy as their meetings took place in Blairs office, the den. Such exclusiveness promotes confusion as a small circle of trusted ministers and advisors gives an impression that the policy as a whole is reactive rather than proactive.It is worthwhile mentioning that the UK is a parliamentary monarchy and the Queen is the official ruler in the UK. Although her power is mostly of a ceremonial nature, nevertheless, she plays an important role in representing the country at various levels the UK, the Commonwealth and internat ionally. In her speech to the Parliament on the 9th of May 2012 the Queen set the following agenda to strengthen oversight of the security and intelligence agencies, to seek laudation of Parliament on the anticipated accession of Croatia to the EU, to support a secure and stable Afghanistan, to reduce the threat of nuclear proliferation in Iran and to build strategical partnerships with the emerging powers. These goals show that the Queen is far from being above politics, on the contrary, she is greatly concerned with Britains position in the fast developing world and foreign policy is one of her concerns.Factors influencing the British foreign policy American influenceThe UK boasts to have a special alliance with the USA in terms of foreign policy. British foreign policy has privileged the idea of working closely with the United States, particularly in the area of international security, where the UK has provided the largest and most effective non-US contingent to three American - guide conflicts in recent years twice in Iraq and once in Afghanistan (Wallace and Phillips, 2009 267). The two countries have been consort for a long period of time and acted accordingly. Britain considers its international relations with the USA to be as important as its ties with Europe, if not more. However, in the light of Britain losing its imperial power long ago and the hegemonic rise of the US, arguably, Britain plays along with the American directives. This was the case in all interventions where the USA took part in the in conclusion 60 years except the conflict in the Falklands.It appears that Britain is torn among its own interests, the EU integration and Anglo-American ties (Atlanticism). Blair decided to strengthen the countrys position by addressing these three issues at once. The USA will benefit from a special relationship with the UK when making decisions in Europe and vice versa. This special relationship (Wallace and Philips 2009 267-274) includes defense honoryers cooperation, military nuclear cooperation, provision of bases to the United States and intelligence relationship. But does Britain get out as much as the USA in this relationship? The answer to this question remains unclearOn issues as alter as the Kyoto Treaty, the Ottawa Treaty banning landmines, the war in Kosovo, the fall upon on Afghanistan, the Middle East peace process, the Iraq war and subsequent occupation, or the holding of British captives at Guantnamo Bay, in that respect has been little evidence of the UKs powerfulness to shape US policy. Indeed, British governments, in clinging to the idea of the special relationship, have generally overlooked the fact that the US has several privileged relationships, notably with Mexico, Israel, Australia, Italy and Poland. (Wallace 2009 65)While Brits assume that Americans hold certain sentiment towards shared past and noble goals, the USA might be pursuing its own national interest instead. Riddell (2003) argues that America is not disposed to sacrifice national interest on the altar of nostalgia or sentiment and shows scant regard for those who do. It shows that no military issue who the USA considers to be its allies, it is going to stick with its own national interest and foreign policy.Tony Blair was not the first Prime Minister who chose to play a bigger role in foreign-policy making. Margaret Thatcher in her role as the Prime Minister had her own very specific view on how to conduct foreign policy. Her initiative to take part in the military conflict in the Falklands wasnt supported by the USA at first which didnt stop her. She had very distinctive views about Anglo-European relationship as well and the FCO was a good deal excluded from the decision-making process. She blamed the FCO for being pro-European and considered creating a separate body to cave the FCOs dominance in foreign policy-making.The UK and the EU the FCO adapting to EuropeanizationWhile Anglo-American relations trai n an important place in Britains foreign policy there is another undeniable partner that has become more and more relevant in the recent years the European Union. British policy-makers have traditionally accorded a higher priority to transatlantic security relations than to relations with their European partners. This is despite having enjoyed arguably more success in shaping the actions of the EU than in influencing key decisions in Washington. In recent years, and on all-important(a) issues such as defence, energy and environmental policy, Tony Blair played a critical role in shaping the EU agenda. (Wall cited in Menon, 2010)After Britain united the EU (EEC) in 1973 it became apparent that the country needs to integrate into the EU and to do so it had to adapt and reform its foreign policy. The FCO anticipated the changes both with suspicion and high hopes for a stronger Europe. Inevitably the line between domestic and foreign has become thinner and thinner as the EU stirred upon an array of issues. Since the creation of the EU has influenced its member states so greatly it is argued that they became Europeanized. Bulmer and Burch (1998 602) define Europeanization as the extent to which EC/EU requirements and policies have affected the decisiveness of member states policy agendas and goals.Arguably the FCO lost part of its power to the EU in terms of policy-making towards Europe. The FCO wanted to retain its power as a sole determinant of Britains national interest. David Allen (2008 3) points out that the FCOs position inside British central government has been both enhanced and challenged by European integration. At the same time David Milliband (2009) emphasizes how important albeit difficult the integration is we can lead a strong European foreign policy or lost in hubris, nostalgia or xenophobia watch our influence in the world wane.Structurally, a Permanent Under-Secretary ( sanies) remains as the top role of the FCO. PUS alines the FCOs wor k overseas and its administration. Another key role is held by semipolitical coach, who makes sure that Britains interests are represented at European Political Cooperation (EPS), which is like a shot effectively the top policy advisory post. Allen (2008) explains how these posts work as a tandemThe specific position of Political Director can be explained in terms of Europeanization in that the FCO willingly adapted its management social structure so as to effectively participate in the EPC. This adaptation has led to spillover whereby the Political Director now plays a larger role than possibly originally intended. However, the different roles played by the PUS and Political Director are the result of both EU membership and other factors, in particular the need for improved management within the FCO.Britain remains being euro-sceptic towards further integration in the EU, it repeatedly criticises the current weakness of the economy in Europe and is not satisfied with being a member of the three study states (along with Germany and France) that have to help out weaker countries sometimes at their own expense. However, in the era of globalisation further integration is inevitable and the UK is more Europeanized than it thinks is.At a general level British foreign policy has undoubtedly been affected by a processof Europeanization, although the extent to which this has squeeze upon actual policy will vary from issue to issue. In particular, British policy has been Europeanized at an ideological level, in regard to foreign policy-making, and in relation to the agenda and content of policy. However, the process of Europeanization has not entirely subsumed a distinctly British foreign policy. In this sense, successive British governments have been quite successful at using the European level of foreign policy to achieve its own objectives and simultaneously prevent unnecessary levels of integration. (Williams, 2002)Paradoxically, the EU shouldnt have foreig n policy in the first place as it is not a sovereign state. Because of Maastricht Treaty 1993 the EU member states are committed to a common European and Security policy (CFSP) which enables them to pursue their own national interests but at the same time to coordinate them on the European level. This can be achieved with the help of the European Community, the CFSP and jurist and Home Affairs (JHA) which are responsible for different policy issues such as external economic relations, political and security question, international execration and terrorism respectively.Sometimes events on a global scale are capable to change foreign policy almost overnight. The 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York transformed British, European and American foreign policy and unless after three days, on the 14th of September, the EU passed a declaration on European arrest warrants and measures to combat terrorism.This brings another foreign-policy predicament the ethical dimension. As Tone Blair dec lared to bring human rights at the very heart of foreign-policy it remains unclear which ethics British foreign policy should pursue. The war on terror had best intentions in its bone marrow nevertheless, Britain has to draw a line on its use of power to do so. Blair followed the doctrine of liberal interventionism, promoting liberal beliefs and sometimes imposing it on the countries with contrast views Afghanistan, East Timor, Iraq, Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo. If democracy and the rule of law are imposed in a non-negotiable way it becomes unethical as a result. Cases such as Iraq invasion in 2003 bring to help this delicate matter in foreign policy. There was no direct threat to either US or UK sovereignty, the public polls disapproved of the intervention, all the same both countries favoured the invasion.The workings of the EU institutional system mean that the coalition government may also struggle to exert the influence it desires. Britain alre ady suffers from its exclusion from and lack of clear engagement with a key advisory forum the Eurogroup (comprising those member states that have adopted the euro). This structural weakness is only heightened by the absence of the Conservative Party from the European Peoples Party, whose members include the German Chancellor, the French President and the President of the European Commission. David Cameron will not be able to attend their pre-summit meetings, at which they coordinate negotiating positions. In other ways too, Conservative suspicions of European integration may limit the ability of the UK to achieve all that it could within the framework of the Union.What is more, to be reliable and effective foreign policy must attract domestic legitimacy, which means involving the public in the same kind of continuous dialogue as takes place over tax or transport policy. If we can accept the centrality of foreign policy in our political life without seeing it as a way of merely ex porting our own superiority, we shall stand a better fall out of, first, coping collectively with outsiders second, making a contribution to a more stable and civilized international system and third, avoiding the kind of catastrophic mistakes which cost hundreds of millions of individuals their lives in the last century, the century of progress.Public opinion and media shaping foreign policyPublic opinion is another important lens of foreign-policy making. As we live in a world where communication has become instantaneous powered by digital media both politicians and policy-makers try to use it to their advantage. harmonize to Robinson (2008) there exist two models capable of analyzing the impact of public opinion and media on a policy. The pluralist model suggests that the media and publics are independent of political influence and, as such, can act as a powerful constraint upon governments. The elite model, on the contrary, assumes that media act merely as mouthpieces for gove rnment officials, operate to mobilize publics in support of respective policies. The case of the polls on the Iraq War in the UK showed that although the majority disagreed with Tony Blairs decision to engage in the conflict, they did not stop the Prime Minister from changing his course of action. The consequences of this decision resulted in Blair not being re-elected, as the media coverage revealed more details about the rising number of casualties in the war. Bias of the media should also be specify under scrutiny the newspapers in the UK (as well as the rest of the world) often cater to different political parties promoting a certain agenda and delivering a policy chosen by that party to the public. Thus, it is extremely difficult to theme for the influence of the media due to the fact that public opinion might not be partial having been shaped by the media. Foreign policy is eer the product of a society, a polity, interpreting its situation and choosing who chooses is ano ther matter to act or react in a particular, unpredetermined way.ConclusionIn conclusion there is not a definite answer to who conducts the British foreign policy. Different Prime Ministers showed a ranging level of involvement into foreign policy-making process. Factors such as Europeanization, the US-UK alliance, public opinion and economic crisis make it more difficult to understand to what extent one person or several people (the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary along with advisors) can follow through with the propositions set at the beginning of a governments term. The process of foreign-policy making involves civil servants, ministers and officials of all spectrums as well as independent advisors, experts from the UK and worldwide. While most significant decisions are made by the Prime Minister, he makes his choice based on the data and evidence he has been given. Finally, it is not enough to simply formulate foreign policy, the major stages of the policy-making proce ss fall onto the shoulders of civil servants who interprete, implement and present the policy. Moreover, there are multiple foreign policies in the UK which demand different approaches. If the UK wants to remain its international power that has been in decline after the fall of the empire and maintain the foreign policy that is coherent at all stages of the policy-making process, it needs to find balance between pursuing its national interest, skilfully presenting and implementing the policy at the domestic and the international levels and managing the members involved in the process. Britain faces not a menu of alternative routes to far-reaching international influence, but a choice between imperfect options (Cradock 1997). UK needs to go through the three-step process place by Christopher Layne (cited in Menon, 2010) determining the countrys vital interests, identifying threats to these and deciding how best to deploy national resources in order to protect them.